CP PAKISTAN: PRESS RELEASE ON POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CRISES IN PAKISTAN
(Comrade Imdad Qazi, General Secretary Communist Party of Pakistan, Dec 10, 2022)
Pakistan's politics, foreign policy,and the whole printed, electronic, and social media are orbiting around the appointment of a new Chief of the Army Staff. Has anyone ever heard of the extreme commotion and political engagement on the king’s demise, which is being witnessed in Pakistan for the appointment of the military chief? The reason why this appointment has surpassed the other highly enviablestate positions like the President and the Prime minister is due to the unbounded powers surrendered over the period, which has forced the civil supremacy to surrender in front of this and shifted the power center from the people of Pakistan and its elected representative to this position who is solely calling the shots and duly protected and appreciated by the military institution as well as from its master USA who practically controls whole Pakistan and its every organ through this position.
The project Pakistan was envisaged by imperialism to establish a proxy and security state. This was the reason that no political, economic & social institution could ever get priority over the military institution in the power corridors of the country. Since the inception of Pakistan, Politicians have been forcibly represented precarious to substitute with a powerful bureaucracy trained by British imperialism to protect their imperialist interest in India. Finally, it resulted in the elimination of Muhammad Ali Jinnah (The first Governor General) and Liaqat Ali Khan (The first Prime Minister), who were the sole claimant of the country's establishment, empowering them to govern fully.
Later, even after the military coup by General Ayub Khan, the bureaucracy remained in partnership with the military institution. Even today, the full power of the governance is in the hands of the military through its military chief, which in principle, should have been with the parliament. Political parties of ruling classes, the ostensible nationalist & local parties on the quest to share the power in governance, hardly challenge the hegemony of the military institution but openly not only felicitate but legitimize such an unconstitutional hegemony. The interests of the people and the country are not their priority. Theflash floods across the country caused mass destruction in which people lost everything. They were forced to migrate to nearby safe places, leaving everything behind. It has been now more than six months, and they are denied any reasonable help, shelter, medicine, food, or even any compensation so that they may rehabilitate themselves. The irony is that all such ruling classes representative political parties remained apathetic but preferred to remain involvedin guessing who shall be a possibility for the appointment of the military chief. The sole reason rests in seeking patronization from such a powerful position so that the exploitation of the ruling class remains undamaged.Recently the immoral and unethical campaign launched by the outgoing Prime Minister, Imran Khan, was the result in losing such patronization from the military institution. In contrast, the incumbent government by the earlier opposition parties in the parliamentis now the substitute defender of the prevalence of the power of the military institution. As a result, Pakistan has an authoritative military rule through puppets disguised as political parties. They operate it as one unit,which is unconstitutional even though Pakistan has a federal parliamentary system, and the 18th amendment guarantees the federation units to be more autonomous. The Baluchistan example is the exposition of this narration, where the military commander acts as viceroy and the oppressor.
Pakistan’s every citizen is exuberantly in debt for the loans taken so far. Still, unfortunately, it has always been spent on military expenditure and to meet the luxury lifestyle of the state’s civil and political administration. The unnecessary non-development military expenditure comprises asignificant share of the military budget, which is the tool to exploit under the banner of national security. Military, civil and political administration budgets, despite the weak economy and with state risk default, have increased every year, which in turn has denied the right of people toa quality life and basic necessities like access to clean water, medical care, and education. The state’s failure to provide these necessities worsens as the state institutions responsible for providing these services are on the privatization path. These institutions were intentionally destroyed so that the vast infrastructure could be offered to the exploiting class in the name of privatization. Now, primary, and secondary quality education, including medical treatment, is only accessible to the ones who can buy it. The subsidy is limited to the powerful classes, business people, failed state institutions, and industrialists. In contrast, the common man has been wholly denied except to work hard to pay the increased taxes and the cost of basic utilities required for its survival. The irony is that IMF and the loan agencies are partners in crime with Pakistan’s military, & bureaucracy mafia and the ruling classes in the imperialist exploitation of every category of the working class who are being forced to depend on the so-called charity programs. The lame intent is to change the exploiting classes' perception of the contradiction between exploiters and those who are exploited.Rather than struggling against these exploiters, those who are being exploited should acknowledge charity and pray; in return, their exploitation remains unchecked. The gap between the have and have not has increased considerably. The present political turmoil in Pakistan is a mere eyewash as, in reality, it is the contradiction between the ruling classesof Pakistan’s power corridors. This contradiction between the ruling classes got severe when the military, the imperialist’s puppet, lost its job in their proxy wars, especially in the context of the exit of the USA and NATO from Afghanistan. A section of ruling Generals of the army, by siding with the recently deposed PM Imran Khan, has created ongoing political turmoil for the larger share in the exploitation and greater influence of the power corridor. This will keep increasing unless Pakistan’s military gets a new role under any new world order, which is due to emerge after the restructuring of the imperialist center between the USA and China.
It is a fool’s paradise if someone believes that these sections of the ruling classes in Pakistan are fighting for their rights as they are least concerned with fighting against rising inflation, bringing policies to reduce the fastest increasing poverty, creating opportunities in the industrial, agriculture and service sectors so that a massive scale of employment is available and initiating any program where the basic needs of food, medical and education can be guaranteed. The working classes in Pakistan must understand this contradiction to wage their struggle against theseblood-sucking exploiters disguised in civil, political, and military institutions rather than becoming the tools for them. Such a struggle is only possible with socialist ideals, the only ideology that can challenge exploitation and teaches the principles of the triumph of the working class in establishing a proletarian dictatorship against these exploiters.
Since the inception of Pakistan, the Communist party of Pakistan (CPP) was well conversant that ruling classes,for their existence, shall remain aligned with the imperialist powers. CPP initiated a program to expose this unholy alliance which resulted in the issuance of the arrest warrants of comrade Sajjad Zaheer (First general secretary of CPP). Until his deportation in 1955, he either remained undergroundor imprisoned. In contrast to Pakistan's civil and military establishment, CPP blatantly opposed participation in imperialist SETO and CENTO agreements with the sole intent of protecting it against imperialists’ design to become a parasitic security state against communism. This implicated the CPP in the shape of the renowned Rawalpindi conspiracy case in 1951, by which CPP was banned in Pakistan, the whole leadership and party cadre were imprisoned and tortured, and patriotic elements in civil and military institutions were trialed and sentenced. The unstoppable vendetta against the CPP struggle and the rising regional communism wave led to the imposition of martial law in 1958 under the umbrella of the imperialist alliance led by the USA, and practically the reign of the state shifted into the hands of the military.
Under martial law, the atrocities against CPP took to the extreme, and in 1960, comrade Hassan Nasir (General secretary of CPP) was imprisoned in Lahore fort and tortured to death. Similarly, the young communist student leader comrade Nazir Abbasi was tortured to death in the military camp of Maripur. The military regime left no stone unturned to distance the people and political workers from the communist party of Pakistan. CPP’s this struggle was to pull Pakistan out of imperialist influence, to bring all the nationalists by maintaining their autonomous character into the federation, and to establish a proletarian dictatorship on the principles of people’s democracy and socialist ideals.
The left, including the communist party of Pakistan, is very much weak and practically lost even the primary organization. A majority of the cadre has distanced itself from politics based on the struggle and, to satisfy their inner consciousness, has limited itself to only attending the events celebrated in the context of the socialist historical local and international events. The need of the time is to fragment the highly subdivided cadre in various left parties across Pakistan under the newly organized platform as an alliance which is possible provided the egos are sacrificed in favor of the larger interest, i.e., left unity. The CPP has already taken this initiative by successfully forming the popular left alliance comprising the left progressive parties across Pakistan, Jammu & Kashmir, and Gilgit Baltistan, for which there is a need to further strengthen it by further organizing this alliance to the provincial division, district, and frass root level
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